The receiver oriented
and relatively indirect style of most Asian
languages is characteristic of communication
patterns. These patterns are integrally
related to primary values such as family,
authority, interpersonal harmony, concern
for others' well-being, and the importance
of "saving face." Similar to other Asian
ethnic groups, Filipinos typically employ
formality and honorific language that
conveys proper respect for authority,
status, and positions by terms of address
and titles. For example, a physician or a
lawyer will continue to be addressed as "Dr.
Cruz" or "Attorney Ramos" by clients,
friends, and colleagues well after more
personalized and informal relationships have
been established (in contrast to the
American tendency to move more rapidly
toward a first name basis) (Santos, 1983).
Respect for authority and concern for
"face-saving" further reinforce the frequent
use of euphemisms, third parties, and saying
"yes" when the opposite is meant (Santos,
1983). Filipinos often will go to great
lengths to avoid making a direct appeal when
they have encountered a problem or wish to
convey an important request. They instead
prefer to introduce a go between "to cushion
the transaction and escape the embarrassment
that might result from presenting the matter
face-to-face with the other person" (Gochenour,
1990, p. 50). In their wish to be
accommodating,
Filipinos also may find it
impolite or embarrassing to decline social
invitations or to respond directly to other
requests that might elicit a negative answer
or contrary opinion. Although apparently
concurring in some manner (through failure
to express or defend an alternative point of
view) or ostensibly indicating agreement,
Filipinos may actually be privately opposed
to the issue or question at hand. They
generally will make an ambiguous statement
rather than say "No," or say "Yes," but mean
"No," "Maybe," or "I don't know." They find
it hard to reject or disagree, especially
when conversing with someone considered
superior. When they feel the truth will
offend or embarrass, they answer indirectly.
The purpose of an evasive reply is not to
deceive but to please or avoid confrontation
(Harper & Fullerton, 1994). Thus, as a
result of values such as paki kisama and
amor propio, mistakes will go unmentioned,
questions unasked, and issues unsettled (PAPEP,
1982). This communication style obviously
may challenge a more Eurocentric orientation
that values frankness, directness, honesty,
and sincerity and potentially contributes to
a perception of Filipinos as being two-faced
(Gochenour, 1990).
Consistent with other high context cultures,
Filipinos have a highly developed
sensitivity to the nonverbal aspects of
communication (Gochenour, 1990). Filipinos
are considerably less dependent on spoken
words than are European Americans; they
watch their listeners carefully and identify
body language cues to assess what the person
is feeling. The essence of this more
intuitive and affective sense that guides
nonverbal communication is captured in the
phrase "talking with one's eyes" (PAPEP,
1982). Pilipino sensitivity to context thus
"extends from a keen awareness of
appropriate speech and behavior in a given
situation to a well developed instinct for
what is implied and not stated" (Gochenour,
1990, p. 61). This sensitivity is further
complemented by a high tolerance for
ambiguity that enables Filipinos to respond
calmly to uncertainty or lack of
information. Again, however, this
orientation may conflict with the
characteristically Eurocentric utilitarian
emphasis on forthrightness and achieving and
results in the least amount of time
(Gochenour,1900).
Throughout the 7,100 island archipelagos,
Filipinos speak nearly 90 languages and
dialects. The three major dialects are
Ilocano (northern Luzon, also the dialect
spoken most commonly by Filipinos in Hawaii
and on the U.S. mainland); Tagalog (central
and southern Luzon); and Cebuano (southern
islands) (BYU, 1986). Linguistically, these
three dialects and all major indigenous
languages are historically related ; they
derve from "Original Indonesian" as a
subfamily of the Austronesian or
Malayo-Polynesian languages and share most
of their basic grammatical features (Harper
& Fullerton, 1994; Li, 1983). Despite their
similarities in grammar and pronunciation,
centuries of isolation have produced
distinct and mutually unintelligible native
languages (Gochenour, 1990). Regional
divisions and linguistic differences and
barriers have thus endured to the present;
they have created major difficulties in
promoting educational and cultural
development (PAPEP, 1982).
For a period of time during the Marcos
regime, there was a popular movement to
establish and mandate the use of a national
language called "Pilipino." Pilipino is
primarily Tagalog, the language spoken by a
minority of people in the Manila region. It
is highly structured grammatically and has a
rich vocabulary, with words invented or
borrowed from Spanish, English, and other
native dialects. More than half of the
population understand (Harper & Fullerton,
1994). However, because of its main basis in
Tagalog, has never gained full acceptance by
speakers of other dialects, although it is a
required subject of study in the public
schools throughout the islands and is used
as a language of business (BYU, 1986;
Gochenour, 1990).
With so many dialects, English has been and
continues to be the unifying language. In
fact, the Philippines has the third largest
English speaking population in the world,
after the United States and the United
Kingdom (BYU, 1986). English is the language
of the public schools (from fourth grade
through college) and is the de facto
national language of business, commerce,
law, government, and often the mass media
and popular entertainment. It is the
language of the elite with status, wealth,
and authority. The power of English and its
selective usage is exemplified in the home
environment. Members of a family will
typically speak to one another in their
particular regional dialect, with an added
sprinkling of English words. Yet it is very
possible for the father, when admonishing a
child, to summon up a tone of authority by
employing a few English words or shifting
entirely into English if he can. Similarly,
educated friends may typically converse in
their local dialect but gradually shift into
English if the subject becomes technical or
especially serious. This shifting may be
related to vocabulary, but it often reflects
the way s feel about the language. "Things
may be easier to say in English, or the use
of English may serve to emphasize the
importance of the topic. The speakers may
feel that they can be more precise in
English or that English is less personal and
not as potentially threatening" (Gochenour,
1990, p. 38).
The use of English also can affect
sensitivities. If, for example, in an
ordinary transaction between two s, one of
them addresses the other in English, it may
be viewed as an attempt to show off and "put
down" the other. Moreover, the tendency to
equate facility in English with social class
and intelligence may foster
self-consciousness and insecurity in
dialogues with native English speaking
Americans. Many immigrants pride themselves
on being English speakers and may have
demeaned those in the Philippines who speak
carabao (water buffalo) or "bamboo English."
However, once in the United States, they may
find their own version of English to be
unacceptable and a cause for embarrassment
(Santos, 1983). Furthermore, when speaking
to immigrants who appear to be fluent in
English, Americans usually presume that
their English language comprehension is
extensive, whereas often it is not. This
expectation obviously contributes strain in
American interactions, "tension which the
American is certain to feel much less than
the ," who is typically his or her own
harshest critic (Gochenour, 1990, p. 40).
Such sensitivity needs to be considered when
communicating with Filipinos whose English
comprehension is better than their
expressive English and who may be insulted
when addressed in childlike English (Harper
& Fullerton, 1994).
English in the Philippines often contains an
admixture of indigenous language elements. A
Filipino's first language or native dialect
significantly influences his or her accent,
intonation, vocabulary, syntax, and
idiomatic expressions when he or she speaks
English (Santos, 1983). The phonological
systems of the various languages also are a
factor. For example, because Tagalog
distinguishes more vowel sounds than do
other dialects, a from Manila finds it
naturally easier to make the distinction in
English between, say, "bit" and "bet" than
would someone from Cebu. As previously
noted, the sound of "f" does not occur in
most of the indigenous languages of the
islands; thus, Filipino commonly substitute
the "p" sound for "f." The native English
speaker hearing the sentence, "I prepered
this report," could easily be uncertain
whether the speaker meant "I preferred this
report" or "I prepared this report" (Gochenour,
1990, p. 39).
Indigenous Philippine languages are
prepositional, verb initial (i.e., basic
sentences have their verbs in the sentence
initial position), and regularly stress the
next-to-last syllable in most words (Li,
1983). Like many other Asian languages, they
also have a single word for the gender
pronouns "he" and "she." Apart from
grammatical and phonological
characteristics, it is noteworthy that one
particular dialect called "Chabacano" (a
local language spoken in the area around the
city of Zamboanga in Mindanao) is heavily
mixed with Spanish. Other Filipinos know a
fair number of Spanish words that have
entered their particular regional dialects,
and many people and places have Spanish
names. However, as a functional language,
Spanish is clearly peripheral, and a
relatively small number of Filipinos
(primarily Spanish mestizos) speak it
fluently (particularly because it was used
exclusively by the wealthy, land owning
families during the period of Spanish rule,
and no more than 10% of the population ever
spoke it). In fact, despite nearly 4
centuries of Spanish dominion, the
Philippines is one of the few former
colonies of Spain where Spanish did not
become the national language (Gochenour,
1990; Harper & Fullerton, 1994; Winter,
1988).
The Philippines is regarded as the only
nation in Asia that is predominantly English
speaking, and Filipinos often are assumed to
be fully proficient in the English language.
The preceding discussion, however, serves to
illustrate the reality of an extremely
multilingual country where English is a
second language. It also offers cautions and
considerations regarding the dynamics of
communication with English-speaking.
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