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"Traditional families and other social systems are
highly authoritarian. Age, power, prestige, and wealth
are the chief sources of authority" (Santos, 1983, p.
140). Within the family, age determines a hierarchical
system of authority that flows downward from oldest to
youngest. Outside the family, other factors such as
social class, professional status or official government
affiliation, and ecclesiastical positions may supersede
age as determining factors in the locus of authority.
The relationship between those in authority and those subject to it
is further permeated by utang na loob. Authority figures enjoy many privileges
and prerogatives such as obedience; respect; adulation; and gifts in the form of
money, material items, and personal services. These gifts are given to seek or
return favors or to acknowledge a person's position of authority (Santos, 1983).
Those in authority must, in turn, ensure that this reciprocity is created in a
socially acceptable manner; one that conveys mutual respect and achieves the
overall objective (for both the authority figure and the subordinates) of
maintaining group harmony. Thus, individuals are subservient to parents, elders,
leaders, and officials but look to them for support and assistance (Harper &
Fullerton, 1994).
Throughout this ongoing exchange process, the accent is on the
personalized aspect of the relationship. The authority that allows some avenue
of communication is presumably more trustworthy. Trust (ti-wala) is a key
element of camaraderie. Moreover, Filipino's perceive authority to be ultimately
personal and thus subject to influence, affiliation, and patronage. The
corresponding presumption is that whatever the law or the rules might say,
someone in authority is making decisions based on personal motivations. The
arbitrary use of authority and privilege is thus expected. In essence, within
the larger social context, authority typically may be viewed as something to be
dealt with personally as best one can by alternately placating it, keeping it at
a distance, or using it to one's advantage when possible. Unfortunately, this
personalized approach often leads to nepotism, cronyism, and favoritism in
business and politics; ability and merit are often secondary (Gochenour, 1990;
Harper & Fullerton, 1994).
Among family and friends, Filipino's tend to find authority for
action in group consensus. The preference is for decision making within the
group or for solicitation of advice from someone senior. When individual,
personal decisions must be made, there is often a need to have further
confirmation. The Filipino's tendency to enlist the options of others is again
consistent with a more collectivist orientation and primary affiliation with the
groups or contexts in which they live; these include family, neighbors, the
barkada (group of close sworn, loyal, lifetime friends), work associates, and
other larger loyalties and identifications. Filipinos or Pilipinos are defined
by, and linked to, the identity of groups to which they belong and their shared
past experiences (Gochenour, 1990). This also translates into a communal spirit
(bayanihan) that enables Filipinos to come together and help each other at a
moment's notice (Harper & Fullerton, 1994).
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